973.7L63 
BP838 


Portraits  and  Sketches  of 
the  Lives  of  All  the 
Candidates  for  the 
Presidency  and  Vice- 
Presidency,  for  1860; 


LINCOLN  ROOM 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


MEMORIAL 

the  Class  of  1901 

founded  by 

HARLAN  HOYT  HORNER 

and 

HENRIETTA  CALHOUN  HORNER 


ZPJFLXO^     FIFTY    CENTS. 


POETEAITS 


AND 


SKETCHES   OF  THE  LIVES 


2U1   tl)c    Olaubtbatcs 


fOR    THP 


PRESIDENCY  AND  VICE-PRESIDENCY. 


j 


FOR     1860 


OMPRISING 

EIGHT  PORTRAITS  ENGRAVED  ON  STEEL,  FACTS  IN  THB  LIFE   OF  EACH, 
THE  FOUR  PLATFORMS,  THE  CINCINNATI  PLATFORM, 


A  X  I) 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


\ 


<«.#.»  .-•». 


J.    C.    BUTTRE,   48   FRANKLIN   STREET, 


1860, 


POETEAITS 


AND 


SKETCHES  OF  THE  LIVES 


OF 


^U  tlje   4Unbii>ate0 


FOR    THE 


PRESIDE!*  AND  VICE  PRESIDENCY 


FOR     I860. 


COMPRISING 


EIGHT  PORTRAITS  ENGRAVED  ON  STEEL,  FACTS  IN  THE  LIFE  OF  EACH, 
THE  FOUR  PLATFORMS,  THE  CINCINNATI  PLATFORM, 


AND 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


^  n  ♦  H  » 


J.    C.    BUTTRE,   48   FRANKLIN    STREET, 


1860. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

OF    ILLINOIS. 


Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  in  Hardin  county,  Kentucky, 
February  12,  1809,  and  is  now  51  years  old.  His  parents 
were  born  in  Virginia,  and  were  of  very  moderate  circum- 
stances. His  paternal  grandfather,  Abraham  Lincoln,  emigra- 
ted from  Rockingham  county,  Va.,  to  Kentucky,  about  1781, 
'82,  where,  a  year  or  two  later,  he  was  killed  by  Indians.  His 
ancestors,  who  were  respectable  members  of  the  Society  of 
Friends,  went  to  Virginia  from  Berks  county,  Pennsylvania. 
Thomas,  the  father  of  the  present  subject,  by  the  early  death 
of  his  father,  and  very  narrow  circumstances  of  his  mother, 
even  in  childhood,  was  a  wanderirig,  laboring  boy,  and  grew 
up  literally  without  education.  He  married  Nancy  Hanks, 
mother  of  the  present  subject,  in  1806.  The  family  removed 
from  Kentucky  to  Spencer  county,  in  Indiana,  in  the  autumn 
of  1816,  Abraham  being  then  in  his  eighth  year. 

Mr.  Lincoln  received  a  limited  education.  Probably  six 
months  in  all,  of  the  rudest  sort  of  schooling,  comprehends 
the  whole  of  his  technical  education.  He  was  in  turn  a  farm 
laborer,  a  common  workman  in  a  saw-mill,  and  a  boatman 
on  the  Wabash  and  Mississippi  rivers.  Thus  hard  work  and 
plenty  of  it,  the  rugged  experiences  of  aspiring  poverty,  the 
wild  sports  and  rude  games  of  a  newly  and  thinly  peopled 
forest  region — the  education  born  of  the  log-cabin,  the  rifle, 
the  axe,  and  the  plough,  combined  with  the  reflections  of  an 
original  and  vigorous  mind,  eager  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge 
by*every  available  means,  and  developing  a  character  of  equal 
resource  and  firmness,  made  him  the  man  he  has  since  proved 

himself.  .  ,     . 

At  twenty-one  he  pushed  further  west  into  Illinois,  which 
has  for  the  last  thirty  years  been  his  home,  living  always  near, 
and,  for  some  years  past,  in  Springfield,  the  State  Capital. 
He  worked  on  a  farm,  as  a  hired  man,  his  first  year  in  Illi- 


4  ABBAHAM   LINCOLN. 

nois  ;  the  next  year  he  was  a  clerk  in  a  store  ;  then  volun- 
teered for  the  Black-Hawk  war,  and  was  chosen  a  captain  by 
his  company  ;  the  next  year  he  was  an  unsuccessful  candi- 
date for  the  Legislature  ;  he  was  chosen  the  next,  and  served 
four  sessions  with  eminent  usefulness  and  steadily  increasing 
reputation  ;  studied  law,  meantime,  and  took  his  place  at 
the  bar  ;  was  early  recognized  as  a  most  effective  and  con- 
vincing advocate,  before  the  people,  of  Whig  principles  and 
the  Protective  policy,  and  of  their  illustrious  embodiment, 
Henry  Clay  ;  was  a  Whig  candidate  for  Elector  in  nearly  or 
quite  every  Presidential  contest  from  1836  to  1852,  inclusive ; 
was  chosen  to  the  Thirtieth  Congress,  from  the  Central  Dis- 
trict of  Illinois,  in  1846,  and  served  to  its  close,  but  was  not 
a  candidate  for  re-election  ;  and  in  1849,  measurably  with- 
drew from  politics  and  devoted  himself  to  the  practice  of  his 
profession  until  the  Nebraska  Bill,  of  1854,  called  him  again 
into  the  political  arena.  He  was  the  candidate  of  the  Whigs 
for  United  States  Senator  before  the  Legislature  chosen  that 
year  ;  but  they  were  not  a  majority  of  the  body  ;  so  he  de- 
clined, and  urged  his  friends  to  support  Judge  Trumbull,  the 
candidate  of  the  anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  who  was  thus 
elected. 

In  the  gallant  and  memorable  Presidential  contest  of  1856, 
Mr.  Lincoln's  name  headed  the  Fremont  Electoral  Ticket  of 
Illinois.  In  1858,  he  was  unanimously  designated  by  the 
Republican  State  Convention  to  succeed  Mr.  Douglas  in  the 
Senate  ;  and  thereupon  canvassed  the  State  against  Mr. 
Douglas,  with  an  ability  in  which  logic,  art,  eloquence,  and 
thorough  good-nature  were  alike  conspicuous,  and  which 
gave  him  a  national  reputation.  Mr.  Douglas  secured  a  pre- 
dominance in  the  Legislature  and  was  elected,  though  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  the  larger  popular  vote. 

In  2)ersonal  appearance  Mr.  Lincoln  is  long,  lean,  and  wiry. 
In  motion  he  has  a  great  deal  of  the  elasticity  and  awkward- 
ness which  indicate  the  rough  training  of  his  early  life.  His 
face  is  genial  looking.  His  hair  is  dark,  tinged  with  gray, 
a  good  forehead,  small  eyes,  a  long  nose,  and  a  large  mouth, 
which  is  probably  the  most  expressive  feature  of  his  face. 
His  height  is  six  feet  three  inches.  He  is  a  man  of  the  Peo- 
ple, raised  by  his  own  genius  and  integrity  from  the  humblest 
to  the  highest  position,  having  made  himself  an  honored 
name,  as  a  lawyer,  an  advocate,  a  popular  orator,  a  states- 
man, and  a  man. 


,£^2-  2- 


_^cl-'i--'Z-"Z— 


HANNIBAL    HAMLIN, 

OF    MAINE.   . 


Hannibal  Hamlin  was  born  in  Paris,  Oxford  county, 
Maine,  August  27th,  1809,  and  is  now  in  the  fifty-first  year 
of  his  age.  He  is  by  profession  a  lawyer,  but  for  the  last 
twenty-four  years  has  spent  most  of  the  time  in  political 
life.  From  1836  to  1840,  he  was  a  member  of  the  legislature 
of  Maine,  and  for  three  of  those  years  was  Speaker  of  its 
House  of  Representatives.  In  1843  he  was  elected  a  member 
of  Congress,  and  re-elected  for  the  following  term.  In  1847 
he  was  again  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  State  Legislature.  He  was  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  May  26th,  1848,  for  four  years,  to  fill  a  vacancy  oc- 
casioned by  the  death  of  John  Fairfield.  He  was  re-elected 
for  the  full  term  in  the  same  body,  July  25th,  1851,  and 
elected  Governor  of  Maine,  January  7th,  1857,  resigning  his 
seat  in  the  Senate,  and  being  inaugurated  Governor  the  same 
day.  On  the  16th  of  the  same  month  he  was  again  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  for  six  years,  which  office  he  ac- 
cepted, and  resigned  the  office  of  Governor. 

He  is  now  a  United  States  Senator  from  Maine,  and  a 
member  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce  and  on  the  District 
of  Columbia,  This  record  is  an  evidence  of  the  confidence 
with  which  he  has  always  been  regarded  by  his  fellow-citizens 
in  Maine. 

Up  to  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  in  1854,  Mr.  Hamlin  was  a  member  of  the  Democratic 
party.  That  act  he  regarded  as  a  proof  that  the  party  with 
which  he  had  been  all  his  life  connected,  no  longer  deserved 
the  name  of  democratic,  and  was  treacherous  to  the  princi- 
ples he  had  so  long  cherished.  He  changed  his  politics,  in  a 
speech  in  the  Senate,  on  the  Nebraska  bill,  and  thenceforward 
gave  his  support  to  the  Republican  party,  of  which  he  has 
ever  since  continued  a  faithful  and  distinguished  leader. 

Mr.  Hamlin  is  a  man  of  dignified  presence,  of  solid  abili- 
ties, of  unflinching  integrity,  and  great  executive  talent. 


REPUBLICAN   PLATFORM. 


REPUBLICAN    PLATFORM 

PUT   FORTH    AT   CHICAGO,    MAT   18,  1860. 


Resolved,  That  we,  the  delegated  representatives  of  the  Repub- 
lican Electors  of  the  United  States,  in  convention  assembled,  in  the 
discharge  of  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  constituents  and  our  country, 
unite  in  the  following  declarations : 

1 .  That  the  history  of  the  nation,  during  the  last  four  years,  has 
fully  established  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  the  organization 
and  perpetuation  of  the  Republican  party,  and  that  the  causes  which 
called  it  into  existence  are  permanent  in  their  nature,  and  now,  more 
than  ever  before,  demand  its  peaceful  and  constitutional  triumph. 

2.  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution, is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  republican  institutions  ; 
that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  the  Union 
of  the  States,  must  and  shall  be  preserved  ;  and  that  we  reassert 
"  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that 
they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights  ; 
that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 
That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men, 
deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed." 

3.  That  to  the  Union  of  the  States  this  nation  owes  its  unprece- 
dented increase  in  population ;  its  surprising  development  of  ma- 
terial resources  ;  its  rapid  augmentation  of  wealth  ;  its  happiness  at 
home  and  its  honor  abroad  ;  and  we  hold  in  abhorrence  all  schemes 
for  disunion,  come  from  whatever  source  they  may ;  and  we  congrat- 
ulate the  country  that  no  Republican  member  of  Congress  has  ut- 
tered or  countenanced  a  threat  of  disunion,  so  often  made  by  Demo- 
cratic members  of  Congress  without  rebuke,  and  with  applause  from 
their  political  associates  ;  and  we  denounce  those  threats  of  disunion, 
in  case  of  a  popular  overthrow  of  their  ascendency,  as  denying  the 
vital  principles  of  a  free  government,  and  as  an  avowal  of  contem- 
plated treason,  which  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of  an  indignant  peo- 
ple strongly  to  rebuke  and  forever  silence. 

4.  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States,  and 
especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control  its  own  do- 
mestic   institutions  according  to    its  own  judgment  exclusively,  is 


REPUBLICAN   PLATFORM.  7 

essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the  perfection  and  en- 
durance of  our  political  faith  depends  ;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless 
invasion,  by  armed  force,  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under 
what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes. 

5.  That  the  present  Democratic  Administration  has  far  exceeded 
our  worst  apprehensions  in  its  measureless  subserviency  to  the  ex- 
actions of  a  sectional  interest,  as  is  especially  evident  in  its  desperate 
exertions  to  force  the  infamous  Leeompton  Constitution  upon  the 
protesting  people  of  Kansas — in  construing  the  personal  relation 
between  master  and  servant  to  involve  an  unqualified  property  in 
persons— in  its  attempted  enforcement  everywhere,  on  land  and  sea. 
through  the  intervention  of  Congress  and  the  Federal  Courts,  of  the 
extreme  pretensions  of  a  purely  local  interest,  and  in  its  general  and 
unvarying  abuse  of  the  power  intrusted  to  it  by  a  confiding  people. 

6.  That  the  people  justly  view  with  alarm  the  reckless  extrava- 
gance which  pervades  every  department  of  the  Federal  Government ; 
that  a  return  to  rigid  economy  and  accountability  is  indispensable  to 
arrest  the  system  of  plunder  of  the  public  treasury  by  favored  parti- 
sans ;  while  the  recent  startling  developments  of  fraud  and  corrup- 
tion at  the  Federal  metropolis  show  that  an  entire  change  of  admin- 
istration is  imperatively  demanded. 

7.  That  the  new  dogma,  that  the  Constitution,  of  its  own  force, 
carries  slavery  into  any  or  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States, 
is  a  dangerous  political  heresy,  at  variance  with  the  explicit  provisions 
of  that  instrument  itself,  with  contemporaneous  exposition,  and  with 
legislative  and  judicial  precedent,  is  revolutionary  in  its  tendency  and 
subversive  of  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  country. 

8.  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  is  that  of  freedom  ;  that  as  our  republican  fathers,  when  they 
abolished  slavery  in  all  our  national  territory,  ordained  that  no  person 
should  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process 
of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty,  by  legislation,  whenever  such  legislation 
is  necessary,  to  maintain  this  provision  of  the  Constitution  against 
all  attempts  to  violate  it  ;  and  we  deny  the  authority  of  Congress, 
of  a  Territorial  Legislature,  or  of  any  individuals,  to  give  legal  ex- 
istence to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States. 

9.  That  we  brand  the  recent  re-opening  of  the  African  slave-trade, 
under  the  cover  of  our  national  flag,  aided  by  perversions  of  judicial 
power,  as  a  crime  against  humanity,  a  burning  shame  to  our  country 
and  age  ;  and  we  call  upon  Congress  to  take  prompt  and  efficient 
measures  for  the  total  and  final  suppression  of  that  execrable  traffic. 

10.  That  in  their  recent  vetoes,  by  their  Federal  Governors,  of  the 
acts  of  the  Legislatures  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  prohibiting  slavery 
in  those  Territories,  we  find  a  practical  illustration  of  the  boasted 
Democratic  principle  of  non-intervention  and  popular  sovereignty, 
embodied  in  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill,  and  a  demonstration  of 
the  deception  and  fraud  involved  therein. 

11.  That  Kansas  should,  of  right,  be  immediately  admitted  as  a 


8  REPUBLICAN   PLATFORM. 

State,  under   the  constitution  recently  formed   and  adopted  by  her 
people,  and  accepted  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

12.  That  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  General 
Government  by  duties  upon  imposts,  sound  policy  requires  such  an 
adjustment  of  these  imposts  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the 
industrial  interests  of  the  whole  country  ;  and  we  commend  that 
policy  of  national  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  working  men 
liberal  wages,  to  agriculture  remunerating  prices,  to  mechanics  and 
manufacturers  an  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor,  and  enter- 
prise, and  to  the  nation  commercial  prosperity  and  independence. 

13.  That  we  protest  against  any  sale  or  alienation  to  others  of 
the  public  lands  held  by  actual  settlers,  and  against  any  view  of  the 
free  homestead  policy  which  regards  the  settlers  as  paupers  or  suppli- 
cants for  public  bounty  ;  and  we  demand  the  passage  by  Congress  of 
the  complete  and  satisfactory  homestead  measure  which  has  already 
passed  the  House. 

14.  That  the  Republican  party  is  opposed  to  any  change  in  our 
naturalization  laws,  or  any  State  legislation  by  which  the  rights  of 
citizenship  hitherto  accorded  to  immigrants  from  foreign  lands  shall 
be  abridged  or  impaired  ;  and  in  favor  of  giving  a  full  and  efficient 
protection  to  the  rights  of  all  classes  of  citizens,  whether  native  or 
naturalized,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

15.  That  appropriations  by  Congress  for  river  and  harbor  im- 
provements, of  a  national  character,  required  for  the  accommodation 
and  security  of  an  existing  commerce,  are  authorized  by  the  Consti- 
tution, and  justified  by  an  obligation  of  the  government  to  protect 
the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

1 6.  That  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  ocean  is  imperatively  demanded 
by  the  interests  of  the  whole  country ;  that  the  Federal  Government 
ought  to  render  immediate  and  efficient  aid  in  its  construction,  and 
that  as  preliminary  thereto,  a  daily  overland  mail  should  be  promptly 
established. 

17.  Finally,  having  thus  set  forth  our  distinctive  principles  and 
views,  we  invite  the  co-operatiun  of  all  citizens,  however  differing  on 
other  questions,  who  substantially  agree  with  us,  in  their  affirmance 
and  support. 


/- 


10  JOHN   BELL. 

to  vote  for  a  resolution  approving  that  measure.  This  refusal 
was  one  of  the  causes  which  led  to  the  subsequent  breach  be- 
tween himself  and  President  Jackson  and  the  Democratic 
party,  and  finally  to  his  co-operation  with  the  Whigs.  This 
change  of  party  relations  was  much  accelerated  by  his  election 
to  the  speakership  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  1834, 

In  June  of  that  year  Mr.  Stevenson  resigned  the  chair  up- 
on being  nominated  minister  to  Great  Britain,  and  Mr.  Bell 
was  elected  to  succeed  him.  Mr.  Bell  was  supported  by  the 
Whigs  and  a  portion  of  the  Democratic  party  who  were  op- 
posed to  the  intended  nomination  of  Martin  Van  Buren  as 
successor  to  General  Jackson.  The  principal  ground  of  Mr. 
Bell's  opposition  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  his  strong  disapprov- 
al of  the  system  of  removals  from  subordinate  offices  for 
political  reasons.  The  final  separation  between  Mr.  Bell  and 
Gen.  Jackson  took  place  in  1835,  when  Mr.  Bell  declared  himself 
in  favor  of  Judge  White  for  the  Presidency,  in  opposition  to 
Mr.  Van  Buren.  Judge  White  carried  the  State  by  a 
large  majority,  and  Mr.  Bell  was  re-elected  to  Congress.  An 
impulse  was  given  to  the  political  character  of  Tennessee, 
which  arrayed  in  its  opposition  to  the  Democracy  during  the 
four  succeeding  Presidential  elections,  1840-'44-'48-52. 

When  the  reception  of  petitions  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  was  agitated  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  in  1836,  Mr.  Bell  alone,  of  the  Tennessee 
delegation,  favored  their  reception.  Subsequently,  in  1838, 
when  Atherton's  resolutions  were  introduced,  proposing  to  re- 
ceive and  lay  these  petitions  on  the  table,  he  maintained  his 
consistency  by  voting  in  the  negative. 

General  Harrison,  when  elected  President,  invited  Mr. 
Bell  to  enter  his  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War,  a  jjosition 
which  he  resigned  after  Mr.  Tyler  became  President.  He 
was  then  tendered  a  seat  in  the  Senate,  but  declined  in  favor 
of  Mr.  Foster.  In  1847  he  was  elected,  and  in  1853  re- 
elected, a  United  States  Senator  from  Tennessee  ;  and  his 
course  in  favor  of  the  compromise  measures,  the  internal  im- 
provement bills,  the  increase  of  our  steam  navy,  a  Pacific 
railroad,  agricultural  colleges,  and  other  similar  measures, 
was  as  marked  as  was  his  opposition  to  the  Nebraska  Bill,  the 
Lecompton  Constitution,  extravagant  expenditures,  and 
threats  of  disunion. 

Since  his  retirement  from  public  life  he  has  resided  at  his 
home  in  Nashville,  where  his  acccomplished  wife  and  daugh- 
ters are  ever  ready  to  join  him  in  extending  genuine  Tennes- 
see hospitality  to  their  numerous  friends. 


/      <^Z  s^^jZ. 


PHBI " 


EDWARD     EVERETT, 


OF    MASSACHUSETTS. 


Mr  Everett  was  born  at  Dorchester,  Massachusetts,  in 
1794.  The  son  of  a  New-England  clergyman,  he  was  edu- 
cated with  the  care  which  such  a  father  was  likely  to  bestow 
on  his  son.  So  precocious  was  he,  that  at  thirteen  he  matric- 
ulated at  Harvard,  and  graduated  with  honors  four  years 
later.  His  aptitude  as  a  linguist  was  so  notorious  that  the 
ruling  powers  of  Harvard  College  kept  their  eye  on  him  ;  and 
soon  after  he  left  the  University,  before  he  was  twenty-one,  he 
was  offered  the  professorship  of  Greek,  with  the  condition 
that,  if  he  accepted  it,  he  must  spend  some  years  in  European 
travel,  in  order  to  fit  himself  for  his  duties. 

In  1819,  Mr.  Everett  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
duties  as  Professor  of  Greek  ;  and  shortly  afterward,  the 
editorship  of  the  North  American  Review  falling  vacant,  he 
assumed  charge  of  that  journal,  and  raised  it  to  high  rank  in 
literature. 

In  1824,  when  Mr.  Everett  was  thirty  years  of  age,  he  be- 
gan, simultaneously,  his  career  as  a  politician  and  as  an  ora- 
tor. An  oration  which  he  delivered  in  presence  of  the  vener- 
able Lafayette,  in  that  year,  attracted  universal  attention  to 
his  extraordinary  powers  ;  and  from  that  time  forth  he  be- 
came one  of  the  leading  orators  of  the  country.  In  the  same 
year  he  was  sent  to  Congress  from  Middlesex.  In  the  House 
he  was  chiefly  noted  for  his  industrious  habits  and  vast  learn- 
ing. He  was  an  invaluable  man  on  committees.  On  all 
debates  of  importance  his  voice  was  heard  ;  but  he  never 
sought  to  make  speeches  for  the  sake  of  hearing  his  own 
voice.  What  he  said  was  brief  and  to  the  point.  Strangers, 
especially  from  New-England,  frequently  thronged  the  House 
when  he  was  to  speak,  in  the  expectation  of  hearing  a  grand 
oration,  but  they  were  generally  disappointed.  Mr.  Everett 
never  made  a  show  of  oratory  in  the  House. 


12  EDWARD    EVERETT. 

After  ten  years  arduous  labor  in  Congress,  Mr.  Everett  was 
elected  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  which  office  he  filled  for 
four  consecutive  years.  In  1839  he  was  again  a  candidate, 
but  was  defeated  by  one  vote  out  of  over  one  hundred  thou- 
sand cast.  This  defeat  happily  left  him  free  to  accept  the 
mission  to  England  which  was  tendered  to  him  by  the  admin- 
istration of  General  Harrison,  in  1841. 

He  was  absent  for  four  years,  during  which  time  he  won 
golden  opinions  from  persons  of  every  class  in  England.  Few 
American  statesmen  stand  as  high  as  Edward  Everett  in  the 
British  judgment  at  the  present  time.  He  was  described  by  an 
Englishman  as  "  a  man  firm  and  unbending  as  a  rock  on  import- 
ant questions,  yet  so  conciliatory  as  to  lead  every  one  to  sup- 
pose that  he  was  ready  to  yield  every  point  in  dispute  :  keen , 
and  close  in  argument,  stuffed  full  of  facts,  and  as  obstinate 
a  Yankee  as  you  could  meet  with  in  a  month's  journey  in 
New-England." 

On  his  return  to  this  country  he  assumed  the  Presidentship 
of  his  old  University  at  Cambridge.  A  fortunate  marriage 
had  happily  placed  him  beyond  the  necessity  of  daily  labor  for 
a  livelihood.  He  was  enabled  to  indulge  to  his  heart's  content 
in  the  studies  dear  to  him,  and  which  are  life's  best  solace. 

Accident  disturbed  his  pleasing  labors.  On  the  death  of  Daniel 
Webster,  he  was  unexpectedly  called,  by  President  Fillmore, 
to  fill  a  leading  office  in  the  Cabinet — the  Secretaryship  of 
State.  He  abandoned  his  library,  and  betook  himself  to  the 
drudgery  of  official  life  with  as  much  cheerfulness  as  he  had 
disj)layed  when  his  first  public  honors  burst  upon  him.  His  most 
important  public  act — his  letter  on  the  Cuba  question — was 
indited  and  published  after  his  resignation  of  office  ;  but  the 
character  of  the  man  gave  it  importance  ;  and  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  it  was  not  without  influence  on  the  minds  of 
the  leading  statesmen  in  England.  A  subsequent  brief  sena- 
torial career  justified  the  expectations  which  had  been  enter- 
tained of  Mr.  Everett.  He  played  the  part  of  a  philosopher 
and  a  sage,  and  held  himself  aloof  from  the  petty  squabbles 
of  politicians. 

His  subsequent  career  has  been  tranquil.  His  oration  on 
charity  ;  his  oration  on  Washington,  the  profits  of  which  are 
destined  for  the  Washington  Monument,  and  which  has  done 
more  for  that  structure  than  all  the  jjrivate  contributions  of 
the  public  put  together  ;  his  oration  on  Astronomy,  at  the 
opening  of  the  Albany  Geological  Hall,  in  August,  1856,  are 
masterpieces  of  eloquence,  which  will  live  for  centuries  after 
Burke,  and  Sheridan,  and  Patrick  Henry,  and  will  be  learned 
by  boys  in  schools  in  ages  far  hidden  in  the  future. 


UNION   PLATFORM.  13 


UNION     PLATFORM, 

PUT    FORTH    AT   BALTIMOKE,    MAY   !0th,    1860. 


Whereas,  Experience  has  demonstrated  that  platforms  adopted  by 
the  partisan  conventions  of  the  country  have  had  the  effect  to  mis- 
lead and  deceive  the  people,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  widen  tho 
political  divisions  of  the  country,  by  the  creation  and  encouragement 
of  geographical  and  sectional  parties,  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  it  is  both  the  part  of  patriotism  and  of  duty  to  rec 
ognize  no  political  principles  other  than  the  Constitution  of  tho 
country,  the  Union  of  the  States,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws ; 
and,  as  the  representatives  of  the  Constitutional  Union  men  of  tho 
country,  in  National  Convention  assembled,  we  here  pledge  ourselves  to 
maintain,  protect,  and  defend,  separately  and  unitedly,  these  great, 
principles  of  public  liberty  and  national  safety,  against  all  the  enemies 
at  home  and  abroad  ;  believing,  thereby,  that  peace  may  once  more  be 
restored  to  the  country,  the  just  rights  of  the  people  and  of  the  States 
re-stablished,  and  the  government  again  placed  in  that  condition  of 
justice,  fraternity,  and  equality  which,  under  the  example  and  Con- 
stitution of  our  fathers,  has  solemnly  bound  every  citizen  of  the  United 
States  to  maintain  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  secure  do- 
mestic tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  gen- 
eral welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our 
posterity. 


C    B1 


I 


STEPHEN   A.   DOUGLAS, 

OF    ILLINOIS. 


Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  born  at  Brandon,  Rutland 
county,  Vermont,  23d  of  April,  1813.  He  is  a  descendant 
of  the  great  Scotch  family  of  the  same  name.  Dr.  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  the  father  of  the  statesman  of  the  present  day, 
in  ,July,  1813,  while  holding  Stephen  in  his  arms,  died  sud- 
denly of  disease  of  the  heart. 

His  earlier  days  were  spent  with  his  mother  and  sister 
upon  a  farm,  but  his  mother  being  left  in  destitute  circum- 
stances, he  entered  a  cabinet  shop  at  Middlebury,  in  his  na-. 
tive  State,  for  the  purpose  of  learning  the  trade.  After 
remaining  there  for  several  months,  he  returned  to  Brandon, 
where  he  continued  for  a  year  at  the  same  calling,  but  his 
health  obliged  him  to  abandon  it,  and  he  became  a  student 
in  the  academy.  His  mother  having  married  a  second 
time,  he  followed  her  to  Canandaigua,  in  the  State  of  New- 
York.  Here  he  pursued  the  study  of  the  law  until  his  re- 
moval to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  in  1813.  From  Cleveland,  he  went 
still  farther  west,  and  finally  settled  in  Jacksonville,  Illinois. 
He  was  first  employed  as  clerk  to  an  auctioneer,  and  after- 
ward kept  school,  devoting  all  the  time  he  could  spare  to  the 
study  of  the  law. 

In  March,  1834,  still  lacking  one  month  of  being  twenty- 
one  years  old,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  by  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  opened  a  law  office  in  Jacksonville.  He  soon  be- 
came known  as  an  ardent  Democrat,  and  at  the  meeting  of 
the  next  Legislature  was  elected  Attorney-General  of  the 
State.  Mr.  Douglas  was  elected  and  took  his  seat  in  the 
Legislature  in  the  winter  of  1836-'37. 

In  April,  1837,  he  was  appointed,  by  President  Van  Buren, 
Register  of  the  Land  Office  at  Springfield.  He  afterward 
practised  his  profession. 


16  STEPHEN    A.    DOUGLAS. 

In  January,  1841,  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State  ; 
and  in  February  elected  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  He 
continued  as  Judge,  performing  his  duties  with  great  and  ac- 
knowledged ability  until  June,  1843,  when  he  was  nominated 
for  Congress. 

In  December,  1843,  he  took  his  seat  in  Congress,  being 
several  months  less  than  thirty  years  of  age.  In  1844  he 
was  re-elected  by  1,700  majority,  and  in  1846  by  over  3,000 
majority  ;  but  after  the  last  election,  and  before  the  com- 
mencement of  his  term  under  it,  he  was  elected  a  Senator  of 
the  United  States. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  an  active  and  ardent  supporter  of  the 
American  title  up  to  the  line  of  54°  40'  on  the  Oregon  boun- 
dary question,  and  was  one  of  the  last  to  surrender. 

He  was  also  a  supporter  of  the  annexation  of  Texas.  Mr. 
Douglas  voted  steadily,  up  to  1850,  against  the  reception  of 
abolition  petitions.  He  was  a  firm  advocate  of  the  extension 
of  the  36°  30'  line  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  voted,  during 
the  same  period,  against  the  Wilmot  proviso. 

In  1849-50  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  instructed  him  to 
vote  for  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  ;  he 
voted  in  accordance  with  these  instructions — protesting,  how- 
ever,  that  the  votes  were  not  his,  but  were  the  votes  of  those 
who  had  instructed  him. 

He  supported  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act.  In  1854  he  pro- 
posed the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  repealing  the  Missouri  re- 
striction upon  slavery  north  of  36°  30',  on  the  ground  that 
Congress,  in  1850,  had  declared  that  thenceforth  the  question 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories  should  be  left  exclusively  to  the 
determination  of  the  people  settled  therein.  He  carried  this 
measure  through  Congress  in  the  face  of  all  opposition. 

In  1856  Mr.  Douglas  took  the  stump  in  behalf  of  Mr. 
Buchanan  and  the  Cincinnati  platform,  and  succeeded  in  se- 
curing the  vote  of  Illinois  for  the  Cincinnati  nominees. 

In  1857  the  Lecompton  controversy  arose.  Mr.  Douglas 
thought'  that,  under  a  strict  adherence  to  Democratic  faith, 
Congress  ought  not  to  accept  a  constitution  unless  it  was  the 
act  of  the  people.  The  President  thought  differently.  The 
Lecompton  controversy  arose.  In  the  final  settlement  of  the 
controversy  Mr.  Douglas  acquiesced,  but  his  enemies  sought 
his  destruction.  They  opposed  his  re-election  in  1858  ;  but, 
after  one  of  the  most  eventful  political  contests  in  the  Union, 
Mr.  Douglas  carried  the  State  Legislature,  and  in  January, 
1859,  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate. 


HERSCHEL   V.    JOHNSON, 

OF   GEORGIA. 


Herschel  V.  Johnson  was  born  in  Burke  county,  Ga„, 
on  the  18th  of  September,  1812.  In  early  life  he  enjoyed  all 
the  facilities  for  intellectual  improvement  which  his  native 
county  afforded.  At  public  schools  he  was  prepared  for  col- 
lege, and  in  January,  1831,  became  a  member  of  the  Fresh- 
man class  in  the  University  of  Georgia,  and  graduated  in 
1834.  Selecting  the  law  as  his  profession,  many  of  his  lei- 
sure hours,  while  in  college,  were  devoted  to  its  study,  and 
for  months  before  his  graduation,  he  repaired  to  thedaw  school 
of  Judge  Gould,  in  Augusta,  where,  while  attending  a  course 
of  law  lectures,  he  reviewed  the  college  studies  in  which  his 
class  was  engaged.  By  this  double  tax  upon  his  physical 
and  intellectual  energies,  he  was  enabled  to  stand  his  exami- 
nation in  college  in  August,  and  in  September  following  was 
admitted  to  the  bar. 

He  opened  an  office  in  Augusta,  where  he  pursued  his  pro- 
fession until  1839,  when  he  removed  to  Jefferson  county, 
and  soon  acquired  an  extensive  and  lucrative  practice.  Like 
most  young  men  of  our  country,  political  life  held  out  to  him 
its  allurements,  and  with  little  resistance  on  his  part  he  soon 
found  himself  engulfed  in  its  vortex.  Educated  in  the 
principles  of  Democracy,  he  entertained  sentiments  of  pro- 
found respect  for  them,  and  for  all  who  consistently  main- 
tained them.  Through  the  press  and  on  the  stump,  in  the 
ever  memorable  race  between  Van  Buren  and  Harrison,  he 
did  his  party  important  services.  The  gallant  Glascock,  who 
was  then  in  the  meridian  of  his  renown,  and  who  often  wit- 
nessed his  exploits,  spoke  of  him  as  a  youthful  giant,  who 
fought  with  burnished  armor,  and  was  able  to  compete  with 
the  most  stalwart  of  his  foes.  In  June,  1841,  in  a  State  Con- 
vention of  the  Democratic  party,  held  in  Milledgeville,  for 

2 


18  HERSCHEL    V.    JOHNSON. 

the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for  Congress  (the  State 
then  electing  by  general  ticket),  Mr.  Johnson  was  brought 
forward  as  a  candidate  for  a  seat.  He,  however,  being  a 
member  of  the  Convention,  withdrew  his  name  in  favor  of 
Howell  Cobb. 

In  the  spring  of  1844,  he  located  in  the  vicinity  of  Mil- 
ledge  ville.  The  State,  at  this  time,  was  divided  into  congres- 
sional districts,  and  Mr.  Polk  having  been  nominated  for  the 
Presidency,  Mr.  Johnson  was  unanimously  selected  by  the 
Democratic  Convention  as  the  elector  for  the  Seventh  district. 

He  was  appointed  to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  took 
his  seat  in  that  body  on  the  14th  of  February,  1848,  and  sus- 
tained the  measures  of  Mr.  Polk's  administration. 

He  was  a  delegate  to  the  National  Democratic  Convention, 
held  at  Baltimore  in  June,  1848.  On  his  return  to  Georgia, 
after  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  he  participated  in  the 
Presidential  canvass  then  in  progress.  On  reassuming  his 
seat  in  the  Senate,  in  December,  he  was  elected  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  career  of 
Colonel  Johnson  in  the  United  States  Senate  was  brief,  but 
it  was  brilliant.  It  was  no  small  compliment  to  him  that  he 
stood  high  in  the  estimation  of  John  C.  Calhoun — that  dis- 
tinguished senator  having  more  than  once  declared  he  regard- 
ed him  the  ablest  man  of  his  age  then  in  the  Senate. 

In  November,  1859,  he  was  elected  by  the  Legislature  of 
Georgia,  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  for  the  Ocmulgee  Dis- 
trict.  In  this  new  and  responsible  position,  he  did  not  dis- 
appoint the  expectations  of  those  who  placed  him  in  it. 

Having  been  nominated  a  candidate  for  Governor,  he  re- 
signed his  seat  on  the  bench  in  August,  1853,  was  elected 
Governor  on  the  first  Monday  of  October,  and  inaugurated 
on  the  9  th  of  November. 

Judge  Johnson,  besides  his  political  speeches,  has,  on  sev- 
eral occasions,  distinguished  himself  by  his  efforts  in  other 
fields. 

As  a  public  speaker,  he  enjoys  an  enviable  reputation.  On 
the  hustings  he  has  few  equals.  As  a  man,  Judge  John- 
son's public  and  private  character  is  without  a  stain. 

Without  any  adventitious  circumstances  to  aid  him,  by 
mere  force  of  talent  and  weight  of  character,  he  has  won  his 
way  to  a  proud  distinction  among  the  leading  spirits  of  the 
country. 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM.  19 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  (Douglas)  PLATFORM, 

PUT  FORTH  AT    CHARLESTON,    APRIL,    18G0,    AND  AT    BALTIMORE,    JUNE 

23,  1860. 


Resolved,  That  we,  the  Democracy  of  the  Union,  in  Convention 
assembled,  do  hereby  declare  our  affirmation  of  the  resolutions  unan- 
imously adopted  and  declared  as  a  platform  of  principles  by  the  De- 
mocratic Convention  at  Cincinnati,  in  the  year  1856,  believing  that 
Democratic  principles  are  unchangeable  in  their  nature  when  applied 
to  the  same  subject  matters. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  afford  ample 
and  complete  protection  to  all  citizens,  whether  at  home  or  abroad, 
and  whether  native  or  foreign  born. 

Resolved,  That  one  of  the  necessities  of  the  age,  in  a  military,  com- 
mercial, and  postal  point  of  view,  is  speedy  communication  be- 
tween the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  States,  and  the  Democratic  party 
pledge  such  constitutional  power  of  the  Government  as  will  insure 
the  construction  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  coast  at  the  earliest 
practicable  period. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  are  in  favor  of  the  acquisi- 
tion of  Cuba  on  such  terms  as  shall  be  honorable  to  ourselves  and 
just  to  Spain. 

Resolved,  That  the  enactments  of  State  Legislatui'es  to  defeat  the 
faithful  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  are  hostile  in  charac- 
ter and  subversive  to  the  Constitution,  and  revolutionary  in  their 
effects. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  Cincinnati  Platform, 
that  during  the  existence  of  Territorial  Governments  the  measure  of 
restriction,  whatever  it  may  be,  imposed  by  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion on  tiie  power  of  the  Territorial  Legislature  over  the  subject  of 
the  domestic  relations,  as  the  same  has  been,  or  shall  hereafter  be 
finally  determined  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  should 
be  respected  by  all  good  citizens,  and  enforced  with  promptness  and 
fidelity  by  every  branch  of  the  General  Government. 


-;  1 


V?Z        C^://l€ s  X?  //  S   >  z 


^  - 


JOHN    C.    BRECKINRIDGE, 

OF    KENTUCKY. 


John  C.  Breckinridge  was  born  near  Lexington,  Ken- 
tucky, January  16,  1821.  His  father  was  an  eminent  cler- 
gyman ;  his  grandfather  served  a  term  as  United  States  Sen- 
ator, and  filled  the  office  of  Attorney-General  of  the  United 
States. 

Mr.  Breckinridge  received  his  education  at  Centre  College, 
enjoyed  the  benefits  of  some  months  at  Princeton,  studied 
law  at  Transylvania  Institute,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at 
Lexington.  He  emigrated  to  the  Northwest,  but,  after  some- 
thing less  that  two  years  spent  in  Burlington,  Iowa,  he  re- 
turned to  his  native  State,  and  took  up  his  abode  at  Lexing- 
ton, where  he  still  resides.  He  entered  immediately  on  the 
practice  of  his  profession,  and  met  with  a  well-merited 
success. 

The  trump  of  war,  however,  excited  his  military  ardor, 
and  the  result  was  creditable  service  as  a  major  of  infantry 
during  the  Mexican  War.  He  also  distinguished  himself  as 
the  counsel  for  Major-General  Pillow  in  the  celebrated  court- 
martial  of  that  officer. 

On  the  return  of  Major  Breckinridge  from  Mexico,  he  was 
elected  to  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  and  created  so  favorable 
an  impression  as  a  legislator  that  he  was  elected  to  Congress 
from  the  Ashland  District,  and,  being  re-elected,  held  his 
seat  from  1851  to  1855. 

His  career  in  Congress  was  marked  by  a  devoted  attention 
to  his  duties  as  a  legislator. 

In  the  Thirty-second  Congress  he  was  instrumental  in 
securing  an  appropriation  for  the  completion  of  a  cemetery 
near  the  city  of  Mexico,  in  which  the  remains  of  the  Ameri- 
can officers  and  soldiers  who  fell  in  battle,  or  otherwise,  in  or 
near  the  city  of  Mexico,  should  be  interred.  He  also  favored 
an  appropriation  for  a  weekly  mail  with  the  Pacific,  and  ad- 
vocated putting  these  contracts  to  the  lowest  bidder. 


22  JOHN    C.  BRECKINRIDGE. 

During  the  angry  sessions  of  the  Thirty-third  Congress  Mr. 
Breckinridge  took  an  active  part,  as  one  of  the  Administra- 
tion leaders,  and  was  drawn  into  a  quarrel  with  Mr.  Cutting, 
of  New-York,  which  very  nearly  ended  in  a  duel.  Shortly 
after  this  affair — in  which  Mr.  Breckinridge's  coolness  and 
firmness  were  highly  commended — President  Pierce  tendered 
to  him  the  mission  to  Spain  ;  but  the  honor  was  respectfully 
declined,  family  matters  compelling  Mr.  Breckinridge  to  this 
course.  He  was  a  delegate  to  the  Cincinnati  Convention  in 
June,  1856.  Mr.  Breckinridge  was  nominated  for  Vice-Pres- 
ident on  the  ticket  with  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  was  elected  to 
that  office  in  November,  1856.  Thus,  at  the  age  of  thirty- 
five,  he  had  served  his  country  abroad,  had  been  a  legislator 
in  his  State  and  in  the  National  Legislature,  had  been  ten- 
dered the  representation  of  the  Republic  in  Europe,  and 
elevated  to  the  second  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people. 

As  President  of  the  United  States  Senate,  he  took  the 
chair  of  that  eminent  body  early  in  the  first  session  of  the 
Thirty-fifth  Congress,  December,  1857,  and,  with  some  inter- 
mission, caused  by  the  illness  of  his  family,  presided  during 
that  stormy  session. 

At  the  last  session  of  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  Mr. 
Breckinridge  received  the  unsought-for  nomination  of  his 
party  for  the  United  States  Senate.  He  was  elected  to  suc- 
ceed Hon.  John  J.  Crittenden,  from  the  fourth  of  March, 
1861,  by  twenty-nine  majority  on  joint  ballot.  His  senato- 
rial term  would  expire  in  1867,  had  not  the  people  determin- 
ed to  elevate  him  to  a  higher  position. 

Mr.  Breckinridge  possesses  all  those  personal  traits  which 
endear  the  man  as  much  to  the  masses  as  to  his  more  imme- 
diate friends.  He  is  a  courtly  and  polished  gentleman,  chi- 
valrous and  high-toned,  the  very  soul  of  honor,  a  second 
Bayard  in  the  battle-field,  a  man  of  intellect,  honest  and 
straightforward  in  the  expression  of  his  opinions,  no  politi- 
cian, no  wire-puller,  no  trickster,  prompt  in  decision,  quick 
in  execution,  a  very  lion  of  the  tribe  of  Jackson.  He  is  by 
far  the  youngest  of  the  more  prominent  men  in  the  country, 
and  it  is  with  no  little  pride  that  his  State,  and  his  friends 
throughout  the  United  States,  may  point  to  that  fact. 


^/i &/Os?U 


JOSEPH  LANE, 

OF    OREGON. 


Joseph  Lane,  the  second  son  of  John  Lane  and  Elizabeth 
Street,  was  born  in  North  Carolina,  on  the  14th  of  December, 
1801.  In  1804,  the  father  emigrated  to  Kentucky  and  set- 
tled in  Henderson  county.  At  an  early  age  he  shifted  for 
himself,  and  entered  the  employ  of  Nathaniel  Hart,  Clerk  of 
the  County  Court.  In  1816,  he  went  into  Warwick  county, 
Indiana,  became  a  clerk  in  a  mercantile  house,  married,  in 
1820,  a  young  girl  of  French  and  Irish  extraction,  and  set- 
tled on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  in  Vanderburg  county. 

Young  Lane  soon  became  the  man  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  had  cast  his  lot.  In  1822,  then  barely  eligible,  he 
was  elected  to  the  Indiana  Legislature,  and  took  his  seat,  to 
the  astonishment  of  many  older  worthies. 

As  farmer,  produce-dealer,  and  legislator,  many  years 
rolled  over  his  head,  every  year  adding  to  his  popularity  as  a 
man,  both  in  his  private  and  public  capacity.  He  was  fre- 
quently re-elected  by  the  people,  and  continued  to  serve 
them,  at  short  intervals,  in  either  branch  of  the  Legislature, 
for  a  period  of  twenty-four  years. 

In  politics,  General  Lane  has  always  been  of  the  Jefferson 
and  Jackson  school.  Possessing  a  strong  intellect,  and  a 
memory  retentive  of  facts,  and  quick  to  use  them,  he  has  be- 
come thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  history  and  politics  of 
the  country.  He  supported  Jackson  in  1824,  '28,  and  '32  ; 
gave  his  voice  and  energies  for  Van  Buren  in  1836  and 
'40,  and  Polk  in  1844. 

In  the  spring  of  1846,  the  war  commenced  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico.  Lane,  then  a  member  of  the 
State  Senate,  immediately  resigned,  and  entered  Captain 
Walker's  company  as  a  private. 

At  Saltillo,  he  was  made  civil  and  military  commandant  of 
that  post  by  Major  General  Butler. 


24  JOSEPH  LANE. 

The  famous  battle  of  Buena  Vista  was  fought  on  the  22d 
and  23d  of  February,  1847.  General  Lane  was  third  in  com- 
mand. From  the  beginning  to  the  end  he  was  in  the  hottest 
of  the  fight. 

The  battle  of  Tehualtaplan  was  the  last  fought  in  Mexico. 
Peace  was  soon  declared,  but  General  Lane  remained  some 
months  directing  the  movements  consequent  upon  the  return 
of  our  troops. 

About  the  1st  of  August,  1848,  General  Lane  reached  In- 
diana. On  the  18th,  he  was  appointed  Governor  of  Oregon. 
On  the  28th  his  commission  reached  him,  and  on  the  next 
day  he  set  out  for  his  post. 

On  the  2d  of  March,  1849,  about  six  months  after  his  de- 
parture from  home,  he  arrived  safely  in  Oregon  City. 

As  Delegate  from  Oregon,  General  Lane  was  unremitting 
in  his  advocacy  of  the  interests  of  the  Territory,  and  untiring 
in  his  efforts  for  her  admission  into  the  Union. 

While  Governor  Lane  was  in  Oregon,  he  was  named  for  the 
Presidency  by  the  Convention  assembled  at  Indianapolis  to 
revise  the  State  Constitution  of  Indiana.  The  Democratic 
State  Convention,  which  met  February  24,  1852,  formally 
jjresented  his  claims  for  the  Chief-Magistracy,  pledging  the 
vote  of  the  State  to  him. 

Gen.  Lane  has  been  the  artificer  of  his  own  fortunes  ;  and, 
in  his  progress  from  the  farmer  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio, 
and  the  commandant  of  a  flat-boat,  to  posts  of  honorable  dis- 
tinction— to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  in  the 
Senate  of  Indiana — to  the  command  of  a  brigade  upon  the 
fields  of  Buena  Vista,  Huamantla  and  at  Atlixco — to  the 
Governorship  of  Oregon,  and  thence  to  a  seat  in  Congress — 
in  all  he  has  displayed  the  same  high  characteristics,  perse- 
verance, and  energy. 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  (Breckinridge)  PLATFORM, 

PUT   FORTH   AT   CHARLESTON,    APRIL    30,  18G0,    AND    AT   BALTIMORE, 

JUNE   23,  1860. 


Resolved,  That  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Democratic  party  at 
Cincinnati  is  affirmed,  with  the  following  explanatory  resolutions  : 

First — That  the  government  of  a  Territory  organized  by  an  act 
of  Congress  is  provisional  and  temporary,  and  during  its  existence 
all  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  an  equal  right  to  settle  with 
their  property  in  the  Territory,  without  their  rights,  either  of  person 
or  property,  being  destroyed  or  injured  by  Congressional  or  Territo- 
rial legislation. 

Second — That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Federal  Government,  in  all  its 
departments,  to  protect,  when  necessary,  the  rights  of  persons  and 
property  in  the  Territories,  and  wherever  else  its  constitutional 
authority  extends. 

Third — That  when  the  settlers  in  a  Territory,  having  an  adequate 
population,  form  a  State  Constitution,  the  right  of  sovereignty  com- 
mences, and  being  consummated  by  admission  into  the  Union,  they 
stand  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  people  of  other  States ;  and  a 
State  thus  organized  ought  to  be  admitted  into  the  Federal  Union, 
whether  its  Constitution  prohibits  or  recognizes  the  institution  of 
slavery. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  are  in  favor  of  the  acquisi- 
tion of  the  island  of  Cuba,  on  such  terms  as  shall  be  honorable  to 
ourselves  and  just  to  Spain,  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment. 

Resolved,  That  the  enactments  of  State  Legislatures  to  defeat  the 
faithful  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  are  hostile  in  charac- 
ter to,  and  subversive  of,  the  Constitution,  and  revolutionary  in  their 
effect. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democracy  of  the  United  States  recognize  it 
as  an  imperative  duty  of  the  Government  to  protect  naturalized 
citizens  in  all  their  rights,  whether  at  home  or  in  foreign  lands,  to 
the  same  extent  as  its  native-born  citizens.     And, 

Whereas,  One  of  the  greatest  necessities  of  the  age,  in  a  political, 
commercial,  postal,  and  military  point  of  view,  is  a  speedy  com- 
munication between  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  coasts  ;  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  National  Democratic  party  do  hereby  pledge 
themselves  to  use  every  means  in  their  power  to  secure  the  passage  of 
some  bill,  to  the  extent  of  the  constitutional  authority  of  Congress, 
for  the  construction  of  a  Pacific  Railroad  from  the  Mississippii  River 
or  the  Pacific  Ocean,  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment. 


CINCINNATI    PLATFORM.  15 


THE    CINCINNATI    PLATFORM, 

PDT  FORTH   MAY    22,  1856. 


Resolved,  That  the  American  Democracy  place  their  trust  in  the 
intelligence,  the  patriotism,  and  the  discriminating  justice  of  the 
American  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  this  as  a  distinctive  feature  of  our  political 
creed,  which  we  are  proud  to  maintain  before  the  world  as  a  great 
moral  element  in  a  form  of  government  springing  from  and  upheld 
by  ?he  popular  will ;  and  we  contrast  it  with  the  creed  and  practice 
of  Federalism,  under  whatever  name  or  form,  which  seeks  to  palsy 
the  will  of  the  constituent,  and  which  conceives  no  imposture  too 
monstrous  for  the  popular  credulity. 

Resolved,  Therefore,  that  entertaining  these  views,  the  Democratic 
party  of  this  Union,  through  their  delegates,  assembled  in  general 
Convention,  coming  together  in  a  spirit  of  concord,  of  devotion  to 
the  doctrines  and  faith  of  a  free  representative  government,  and  ap- 
pealing to  their  fellow-citizens  for  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions, 
renew  and  reassert  beforo  the  American  people,  the  declarations  of 
principles  avowed  by  them,  when,  on  former  occasions,  in  general 
Convention,  they  have  presented  their  candidates  for  the  popular 
suffrage. 

1.  That  the  Federal  Government  is  one  of  limited  power,  derived 
solely  from  the  Constitution,  and  the  grants  of  power  made  therein 
ought  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the  departments  and  agents  of 
the  Government ;  that  it  is  inexpedient  and  dangerous  to  exercise 
doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

2.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the  General  Gov 
ernment  the  power  to  commence  and  carry  on  a  general  system  of 
internal  improvements. 

3.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  authority  upon  the  Fede- 
ral Government,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  assume  the  debts  of  the 
several  States,  contracted  for  local  and  internal  improvements,  or 
other  State  purposes,  nor  would  such  assumption  be  just  or  expe- 
dient. 

4.  That  justice  and  sound  policy  foi'bid  the  Federal  Government 
to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  to 
cherish  the   interest  of  one  portion  of  our   common  country  ;  that 


16  CINCINNATI   PLATFORM. 

every  citizen  and  every  section  of  the  country  has  a  right  to  demand 
and  insist  upon  au  equality  of  rights  and  privileges,  and  a  complete 
and  ample  protection  of  persons  and  property  from  domestic  violence 
and  foreign  aggression. 

5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  Government  to  en- 
force and  practise  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting  our  public 
affairs,  and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is  required 
to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Government  and  gradual  but 
certain  extinction  of  the  public  debt. 

6.  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  be  sacredly  ap- 
plied to  the  national  objects  specified  in  the  Constitution,  and  that 
we  are  opposed  to  any  law  for  the  distribution  of  6uch  proceeds 
among  the  States,  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy  and  repugnant  to 
the  Constitution. 

7.  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter  a  National  Bank  ;  that 
we  believe  such  an  institution  one  of  deadly  hostility  to  the  best  in- 
terests of  this  country,  dangerous  to  our  Republican  institutions  and 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  calculated  to  place  the  business  of 
the  country  within  the  control  of  a  consecrated  money  power  and 
above  the  laws  and  will  of  the  people  ;  and  the  results  of  the  Demo- 
cratic legislation  in  this  and  in  all  other  financial  measures,  upon 
which  issues  have  been  made  between  the  two  political  parties  of 
the  country,  have  demonstrated  to  candid  and  practical  men  of  all 
parties  their  soundness,  safety,  and  utility  in  all  business  pursuits. 

8.  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the  Government  from 
banking  institutions,  is  indispensable  to  the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the 
Government  and  the  rights  of  the  people. 

9.  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking  from  the  President  the 
qualified  Veto  power,  by  which  he  is  enabled,  under  restrictions  and 
responsibilities  amply  sutficient  to  guard  the  public  interests,  to  sus- 
pend the  passage  of  a  bill  whose  merits  cannot  secure  the  approval 
of  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  until  the 
judgment  of  the  people  can  be  obtained  thereon  ;  and  which  has 
saved  the  American  people  from  the  corrupt  and  tyrannical  dominion 
of  the  bank  of  the  United  States,  and  from  a  corrupting  system  of 
general  internal  improvements. 

10.  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  by  the  Constitution, 
which  makes  ours  the  land  of  liberty  and  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed 
of  every  nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in  the  Demo- 
cratic faith ;  and  every  attempt  to  abridge  the  privilege  of  becoming 
citizens  and  the  owners  of  soil  among  us  ought  to  be  resisted  with 
the  same  spirit  which  swept  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  from  our 
statute-books. 

And  whereas,  Since  the  foregoing  declaration  was  uniformly  adopt- 
ed by  our  predecessors  in  National  Convention,  an  adverse  political 
and  religious  test  has  been  secretly  organized  by  a  party  claiming  to 
be  exclusively  Americans,  and  it  is  proper  that  the  American  Democ- 


CINCINNATI   PLATFORM.  17 

racy  should  define  its  relations  thereto  ;  and  declares  its  determined 
opposition  to  all  secret  political  societies,  by  whatever  name  they  may 
be  called, 

Resolved,  That  the  foundation  of  this  Union  of  States  having  been 
laid  in,  and  its  prosperity,  expansion,  and  pre-eminent  example  in  free 
government,  built  upon  entire  freedom  of  matters  of  religious  con- 
cernment, and  no  respect  of  persons  in  regard  to  rank,  or  place  of 
birth,  no  party  can  justly  be  deemed  national,  constitutional,  or  in 
accordance  with  American  principles,  which  bases  its  exclusive  or- 
ganization upon  religious  opinions  and  accidental  birthplace.  And 
hence  a  political  crusade  in  the  nineteenth  century,  and  in  the 
United  States  of  America,  against  Catholics  and  foreign-born,  is 
neither  justified  by  the  past  history  or  future  prospects  of  the  country, 
nor  in  unison  with  the  spirit  of  toleration  and  enlightened  freedom 
which  peculiarly  distinguishes  the  American  system  of  popular  gov- 
ernment. 

Resolved,  That  we  reiterate  with  renewed  energy  of  purpose  the 
well-considered  declarations  of  former  conventions  upon  the  sectional 
issue  of  domestic  Slavery,  and  concerning  the  reserved  rights  of  the 
States — 

1.  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  interfere 
with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  States,  and 
that  all  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  everything  ap- 
pertaining to  their  own  affairs  not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution  ; 
that  all  efforts  of  the  Abolitionists  or  others  made  to  induce  Congress 
to  interfere  with  questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  incipient  steps  in 
relation  thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  danger- 
ous consequences  ;  and  that  all  such  efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency 
to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people,  and  endanger  the  stability 
and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to  be  countenanced  by 
any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

2.  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers  and  was  intended  to  em 
brace  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress,  and,  there- 
fore, the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national 
platform,  will  abide  by  and  adhere  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts 
known  as  the  Compromise  measures,  settled  by  the  Congress  of  1850  : 
"  The  act  for  reclaiming  fugitives  from  service  or  labor  included;" 
which  act  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express  provision  of  the 
Constitution,  cannot,  with  fidelity  thereto,  be  repealed  or  so  changed 
as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

3.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at  renewing 
in  Congress,  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  Slavery  question,  under 
whatever  shape  or  color, the  attempt  may  be  made. 

4.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  faithfully  abide  by  and  uphold 
the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  of 
1792  and  1798,  and  in  the  report  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Virginia 
legislature  in  1799 — that  it  adopts  these  principles  as  constituting 
one  of  the  main  foundations  of  its  political  creed,  and  is  resolved  to 
carry  them  out  in  their  obvious  meaning  and  import. 


18  CINCINNATI  PLATFORM. 

And  that  we  may  more  distinctly  meet  the  issue  on  which  a  sec- 
tional party,  subsisting  exclusively  on  Slavery  agitation,  now  relies 
to  test  the  fidelity  of  the  people,  North  and  South,  to  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  Union  : 

1.  Resolved,  That  claiming  fellowship  with  and  desiring  the  co- 
operation of  all  who  regard  the  preservation  of  the  Union  under  the 
Constitution,  as  the  paramount  issue,  and  repudiating  all  sectional  par- 
ties and  platforms  concerning  domestic  slavery,  which  seek  to  embroil 
the  States,  and  incite  to  treason  and  armed  resistance  to  law  in  the  ter- 
ritories, and  whose  avowed  purpose,  if  consummated,  must  end  in  civil 
war  and  disunion,  the  American  Democracy  recognize  and  adopt  the 
principles  contained  in  the  organic  laws  eslablishing  the  Territories 
of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  as  embodying  the  only  sound  and  safe 
solution  of  the  Slavery  question,  upon  which  the  great  national  idea 
of  the  people  of  this  whole  country  can  repose  in  its  determined  con- 
servation of  the  Union,  and  non-interference  of  Congress  with  Slavery 
in  the  Territories  or  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

2.  That  this  was  the  basis  of  the  compromises  of  1850,  confirmed 
by  both  the  Democratic  and  Whig  parties  in  National  Conventions, 
ratified  by  the  people  in  the  election  of  1852,  and  rightly  applied  to 
the  organization  of  the   Territories  in  1854. 

3.  That  by  the  umform  application  of  the  Democratic  principle  to 
the  organization  of  Territories,  and  the  admission  of  new  States, 
with  or  without  domestic  Slavery,  as  they  may  elect,  the  equal  rights 
of  all  the  States  will  be  preserved  intact,  the  original  compacts  of  the 
Constitution  maintained  inviolate,  and  the  perpetuity  and  expansion 
of  the  Union  insured  to  its  utmost  capacity  of  embracing,  in  peace 
and  harmony,  every  future  American  State  that  may  be  constituted 
or  annexed  with  a  Republican  form  of  government. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  the  right  of  the  people  of  all  the  Ter- 
ritories, including  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  acting  through  the  legally 
and  fairly  expressed  will  of  the  majority  of  the  actual  residents,  and 
whenever  the  number  of  their  inhabitants  justifies  it,  to  form  a  Con- 
stitution, with  or  without  Domestic  Slavery,  and  be  admitted  into 
the  Union  upon  terms  of  perfect  equality  with  the  other  States. 

Resolved,  finally,  That,  in  view  of  the  condition  of  the  popular  in- 
stitutions in  the  Old  World  (and  the  dangerous  tendencies  of  sec- 
tional agitation,  combined  with  the  attempt  to  enforce  civil  and 
religious  disabilities  against  the  rights  of  acquiring  and  enjoying  citi- 
zenship in  our  own  land),  a  high  and  sacred  duty  is  involved,  with 
increased  responsibility,  upon  the  Democratic  party  of  this  country, 
as  the  party  of  the  Union,  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of  every 
State,  and  thereby  the  Union  of  the  States — and  to  sustain  and  ad- 
vance among  us  constitutional  liberty,  by  continuing  to  resist  all 
monopolies  and  exclusive  legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  at  the 
expense  of  the  many,  and  by  a  vigilant  and  constant  adherence  to 
those  principles  and  compromises  of  the  Constitution — which  are  broad 
enough  and  strong  enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  Union  as  it 


CINCINNATI  PLATFOKM.  19 

was,  the  Union  as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  shall  be — in  the  full  ex- 
pression of  the  energies  and  capacity  of  this  great  and  progressive 
people. 

1.  Resolved,  That  there  are  questions  connected  with  the  foreign 
policy  of  this  country  which  are  inferior  to  no  domestic  question 
whatever.  The  time  has  come  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 
declare  themselves  in  favor  of  free  seas,  and  progressive  free  trade 
throughout  the  world,  and,  by  solemn  manifestations,  to  place  their 
moral  influence  at  the  side  of  their  successful  example. 

2.  Resolved,  That  our  geographical  and  political  position,  with  ref- 
erence to  the  other  States  of  this  continent,  no  less  than  the  interest 
of  our  commerce  and  the  development  of  our  growing  power,  requires 
that  we  should  hold  sacred  the  principles  involved  in  the  Monroe 
doctrine.  Their  bearing  and  import  admit  of  no  misconstruction, 
and  should   be  applied  with  unbending  rigidity. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  great  highway,  which  Nature  as  well  as  the 
assent  of  States  most  immediately  interested  in  its  maintenance  has 
marked  out  for  free  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and  the 
Pacific  oceans,  constitutes  one  of  the  most  important  achievements 
realized  by  the  spirit  of  modern  times,  in  the  unconquerable  energy 
of  our  people  ;  and  that  result  would  be  secured  by  a  timely  and 
efficient  exertion  of  the  control  which  we  have  the  right  to  claim 
over  it,  and  no  power  on  earth  should  be  suffered  to  impede  or  clog 
its  progress  by  any  interference  with  relations  that  it  may  suit  our 
policy  to  establish  between  our  government  and  the  governments  of 
the  States  within  whose  dominions  it  lies  ;  we  can,  under  no  circum- 
stances, surrender  our  preponderance  in  the  adjustment  of  all  ques- 
tions arising  out  of  it. 

4.  Resolved,  That  in  view  of  so  commanding  an  interest,  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  cannot  but  sympathize  with  the  efforts  which 
are  being  made  by  the  people  of  Central  America  to  regenerate  that 
portion  of  the  continent  which  covers  the  passage  across  the  inter- 
oceanic  isthmus. 

5.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  expect  of  the  next 
administration  that  every  proper  effort  be  made  to  insure  our  ascen- 
dency in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  to  maintain  permanent  protection 
to  the  great  outlets  through  which  are  emptied  into  its  waters  the 
products  raised  out  of  the  soil  and  the  commodities  created  by  the 
industry  of  the  people  of  our  Western  valleys  and  of  the  Union  at  large. 


CONSTITUTION 


OF  THE 


UNITED    STATES    OF    AMERICA. 


We  the  People  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more 
perfect  Union,  establish  Justice,  insure  domestic  Tranquillity, 
provide  for  the  common  Defence,  promote  the  general  Welfare, 
and  secure  the  Blessings  of  Liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  Pos- 
terity, do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United 
States  of  America. 

ARTICLE    I. 

SECTION  L 

All  legislative  Powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives. 

SECTION  IL 

1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  Members 
chosen  every  second  Year  by  the  People  of  the  several  States,  and 
the  Electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  Qualifications  requisite 
for  Electors  of  the  most  numerous  Branch  of  the  State  Legis- 
lature. 

2.  No  Person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  at- 
tained to  the  Age  of  twenty-five  Years,  and  been  seven  Years  a 
Citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be 
an  Inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

3.  Representatives  and  direct  Taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among 
the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  ac- 
cording to  their  respective  Numbers,  which  shall  be  determined 
by  adding  to  the  whole  Number  of  free  Persons,  including  those 
bound  to  Service  for  a  Term  of  Years,  and  excluding  Indians  not 
taxed,  three  fifths  of  all  other  Persons.  The  actual  Enumeration 
shall  be  made  within  three  Years  after  the  first  Meeting  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent  Term 
of  ten  Years,  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  by  Law  direct.  The 
Number  of  Representatives  shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty 
Thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  Representative ; 
and  until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hamp- 
shire shall  be  entitled  to  chuse  three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode 


CONSTITUTION.  21 

Island  and  Providence  Plantations  one,  Connecticut  five,  New 
York  six,  New  Jersey  four,  Pennsylvania  eight,  Delaware  One, 
Maryland,  six,  Virginia  ten,  North  Carolina  five,  South  Carolina 
five,  and  Georgia  three. 

4.  When  Vacancies  happen  in  the  Representation  from  any 
State,  the  Executive  Authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  Election 
to  fill  such  Vacancies. 

5.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  chuse  their  Speaker  and 
other  Officers ;  and  shall  have  the  sole  Power  of  Impeachment. 

SECTION  III. 

1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  he  composed  of  two 
Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  hy  the  Legislature  thereof,  for 
six  Years ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  Vote. 

2.  Immediately  after  they  shall  he  assembled  hi  Consequence  of 
the  first  Election,  they  shall  he  divided  as  equally  as  may  he  into 
three  Classes.  The  Seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  Class  shall  he 
vacated  at  the  Expiration  of  the  second  Year,  of  the  second  Class 
at  the  Expiration  of  the  fourth  Year,  and  of  the  third  Class  at  the 
Expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one-third  may  he  chosen  every 
second  Year;  and  if  Vacancies  happen  hy  Resignation,  or  other- 
wise, during  the  Recess  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State,  the  Exe- 
cutive thereof  may  make  temporary  Appointments  until  the  next 
Meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  Vacancies. 

3.  No  Person  shall  he  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to 
the  Age  of  thirty  Years,  and  heen  nine  Years  a  Citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  Inhabitant 
of  that  State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

4.  The  Vice  President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President 
of  the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  Vote,  unless  they  be  equally 
divided. 

5.  The  Senate  shall  chuse  their  other  Officers,  and  also  a  Presi- 
dent pro  tempore,  in  the  Absence  of  the  Vice  President,  or  when 
he  shall  exercise  the  Office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6.  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  Power  to  try  all  Impeach- 
ments. When  sitting  for  that  Purpose,  they  shall  be  on  Oath  or 
Affirmation.  When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried, 
the  Chief  Justice  shall  preside :  And  no  Person  shall  be  convicted 
without  the  Concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  the  Members  present. 

7.  Judgment  in  Cases  of  Impeachment  shall  not  extend  further 
than  to  removal  from  Office,  and  Disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy 
any  Office  of  Honour,  Trust  or  Profit  under  the  United  States : 
but  the  Party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to 
Indictment,  Trial,  Judgment  and  Punishment  according  to  Law. 

SECTION  IV. 

1.  The  Times,  Places  and  Manner  of  holding  Elections  for  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives,  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the 
Legislature  thereof;  but  the 'Congress  may  at  any  time  by  Law 


22  CONSTITUTION. 

make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  chusing 
Senators. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  Year,  and 
such  Meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless 
they  shall  by  Law  appoint  a  different  Day. 

SECTION  V. 

1.  Each  House  shall  be  the  Judge  of  the  Elections, .Returns  and 
Qualifications  of  its  own  Members,  and  a  Majority  of  each  shall 
constitute  a  Quorum  to  do  Business ;  but  a  smaller  Number  may 
adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  maybe  authorized  to  compel  the  At- 
tendance of  absent  Members,  in  such  Manner,  and  under  such 
Penalties  as  each  House  may  provide. 

2.  Each  House  may  determine  the  Rules  of  its  Proceedings, 
punish  its  Members  for  disorderly  Behaviour,  and,  with  the  Con- 
currence of  two  thirds,  expel  a  Member. 

3.  Each  House  shall  keep  a  Journal  of  its  Proceedings,  and  from, 
time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  Parts  as  may  in  their 
Judgment  require  Secrecy ;  and  the  Yeas  and  Nays  of  the  Mem- 
bers of  either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  Desire  of  one 
fifth  of  those  Present,  be  entered  on  the  Journal. 

4.  Neither  House,  during  the  Session  of  Congress,  shall,  without 
the  Consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  Days,  nor  to 
any  other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

SECTION  VL 

1.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  Compensa- 
tion for  their  Services,  to  be  ascertained  by  Law,  and  paid  out  of 
the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall  in  all  Cases,  excej)t 
Treason,  Felony,  and  Breach  of  the  Peace,  be  privileged  from 
Arrest  during  then:  Attendance  at  the  Session  of  then-  respective 
Houses,  and  in  going  to  and  returning  from  the  same ;  and  for  any 
Speech  or  Debate  in  either  House,  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in 
any  other  Place. 

2.  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  Time  for 
which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  Office  under  the 
Authority  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or 
the  Emoluments  whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such 
time ;  and  no  Person  holding  any  Office  under  the  United  States, 
shall  be  a  Member  of  either  House  during  his  Continuance  in 
Office. 

SECTION  VIL 

1.  All  Bills  for  raising  Revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of 
Representatives;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with 
Amendments  as  on  other  Bills. 

2.  Every  Bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  the  Senate,  shall,  before  it  become  a  Law,  be  presented 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States ;  If  he  approve  he  shall  sign 
it,  but  if  not,  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  Objections  to  that  House 


CONSTITUTION.  23 

in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  Objections 
at  large  on  their  Journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after 
such  Reconsideration  two  thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to  pass 
the  Bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  Objections,  to  the 
other  House,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if 
approved  by  two  thirds  of  that  House,  it  shall  become  a  Law.  But 
in  all  such  Cases  the  Votes  of  both  Houses  shall  be  determined  by 
Yeas  and  Nays,  and  the  Names  of  the  Persons  voting  for  and 
against  the  Bill  shall  be  entered  on  the  Journal  of  each  House 
respectively.  If  any  Bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President 
within  ten  Days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  pre- 
sented to  him,  the  Same  shall  be  a  law,  in  like  Manner  as  if  he 
had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress  by  their  Adjournment  prevent 
its  Return,  in  which  Case  it  shall  not  be  a  Law. 

3.  Every  Order,  Resolution,  or  Vote  to  which  the  Concurrence 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary 
(except  on  a  question  of  Adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States ;  and  before  the  Same  shall  take 
Effect,  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him, 
shall  be  repassed  by  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, according  to  the  Rules  and  Limitations  prescribed  in 
the  Case  of  a  Bill. 

SECTION  YIII. 

The  Congress  shall  have  Power 

1.  To  lay  and  collect  Taxes,  Duties,  Imposts  and  Excises,  to  pay 
the  Debts  and  provide  for  the  common  Defence  and  general  Wel- 
fare of  the  United  States ;  but  all  Duties,  Imposts  and  Excises  shall 
be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States  ; 

2.  To  borrow  Money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  ; 

3.  To  regulate  Commerce  with  foreign  Nations,  and  among  the 
several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  Tribes ; 

4.  To  establish  an  uniform  Rule  of  Naturalization,  and  uniform 
Laws  on  the  subject  of  Bankruptcies  throughout  the  United 
States ; 

5.  To  coin  Money,  regulate  the  Value  thereof,  and  of  foreign 
Coin,  and  fix  the  Standard  of  Weights  and  Measures ; 

6.  To  provide  for  the  Punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  Securi- 
ties and  current  coin  of  the  United  States ; 

7.  To  establish  Post  Offices  and  Post  Roads ; 

8.  To  promote  the  progress  of  Science  and  useful  Arts,  by  secur- 
ing for  limited  Times  to  Authors  and  Inventors  the  exclusive 
Right  to  their  respective  Writings  and  Discoveries  ; 

9.  To  constitute  Tribunals  inferior  to  the  supreme  Court ; 

10.  To  define  and  punish  Piracies  and  Felonies  committed  on 
the  high  Seas,  and  Offences  against  the  Law  of  Nations ; 

11.  To  declare  War,  grant  Letters  of  Marque  and  Reprisal,  and 
make  Rules  concerning  Captures  on  Land  and  Water ; 

12.  To  raise  and  support  Armies,  but  no  Appropriation  of 
Money  to  that  Use  shall  be  for  a  longer  Term  than  two  Years ; 

13.  To  provide  and  maintain  a  Navy ; 


24  CONSTITUTION-. 

14.  To  make  Rules  for  the  Government  and  Regulation  of  the 
land  and  naval  Forces ; 

15.  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  Militia  to  execute  the  Laws 
of  the  Union,  suppress  Insurrections  and  repel  Invasions ; 

16.  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining,  the 
Militia,  and  for  governing  such  Part  of  them  as  may  be  employed 
in  the  Service  of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respec- 
tively, the  Appointment  of  the  Officers,  and  the  Authority  of 
training  the  Militia  according  to  the  Discipline  prescribed  by 
Congress ; 

17.  To  exercise  exclusive  Legislation  in  all  Cases  "whatsoever, 
over  such  District  (not  exceeding  ten  Miles  square)  as  may,  by 
Cession  of  particular  States,  and  the  Acceptance  of  Congress, 
become  the  Seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
exercise  like  Authority  over  all  Places  purchased  by  the  Consent 
of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in  which  the  Same  shall  be,  for  the 
Erection  of  Forts,  Magazines,  Arsenals,  Dock- Yards,  and  other 
needful  Buildings  ; — And 

18.  To  make  all  Laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  Execution  the  foregoing  Powers,  and  all  other 
Powers  vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  or  in  any  Department  or  Officer  thereof. 

SECTION  IX. 

1.  The  Migration  or  Importation  of  such  Persons  as  any  of  the 
States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  Year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eight,  but  a  Tax  or  Duty  may  be  imposed  on  such 
Importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  Person. 

2.  The  Privilege  of  the  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  shall  not  be  sus- 
pended, unless  when  in  Cases  of  Rebellion  or  Invasion  the  public 
Safety  may  require  it. 

3.  No  Bill  of  Attainder  or  ex  post  facto  Law  shall  be  passed. 

4.  No  Capitation,  or  other  direct,  Tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in 
Proportion  to  the  Census  or  Enumeration  herein  before  directed 
to  be  taken. 

5.  No  Tax  or  Duty  shall  be  laid  on  Articles  exported  from  any 
State. 

6.  No  Preference  shall  be  given  by  any  Regulation  of  Com- 
merce or  Revenue  to  the  Ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another: 
nor  shall  Vessels  bound  to,  or  from,  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter, 
clear,  or  pay  Duties  in  another. 

7.  No  Money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury,  but  in  Conse- 
quence of  Appropriations  made  by  Law;  and  a  regular  Statement 
and  Account  of  the  Receipts  and  Expenditures  of  all  public  Money 
shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8.  No  Title  of  Nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States : 
And  no  Person  holding  any  Office  of  Profit  or  Trust  under  them, 
shall,  without  the  Consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  Present, 


CONSTITUTION".  25 

Emolument,  Office,  or  Title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  King, 
Prince,  or  foreign  State. 

SECTION  X. 

1.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  Treaty,  Alliance,  or  Confedera- 
tion ;  grant  Letters  of  Marque  and  Reprisal ;  coin  Money ;  emit 
Bills  of  Credit ;  make  any  Thing  but  gold  and  silver  Coin  a  Ten- 
der  in  payment  of  Debts ;  pass  any  Bill  of  Attainder,  ex  post  facto 
Law,  or  Law  impairing  the  Obligation  of  Contracts,  or  grant  any 
Title  of  Nobility.  b  J 

2.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any 
Imposts  or  Duties  on  Imports  or  Exports,  except  what  may  be 
absolutely  necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  Laws:  and  the 
net  Produce  of  all  Duties  and  Imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  Im- 
ports or  Exports,  shall  be  for  the  Use  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States;  and  all  such  Laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  Revision  and 
Controul  of  the  Congress. 

3.  No  State  shall,  without  the  Consent  of  Congress,  lay  any 
Duty  of  Tonnage,  keep  Troops,  or  Ships  of  War  in  time  of  Peace, 
enter  into  any  Agreement  or  Compact  with  another  State,  or  with 
a  foreign  Power,  or  engage  in  War,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in 
such  imminent  Danger  as  will  not  admit  of  Delay. 

ARTICLE     II. 

SECTION  I. 

1.  The  executive  Power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  Office  during  the 
Term  of  four  Years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice  President,  chosen 
for  the  same  Term,  be  elected  as  follows : 

2.  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  Manner  as  the  Legislature 
thereof  may  direct,  a  Number  of  Electors,  equal  to  the  whole 
Number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State  may 
be  entitled  in  the  Congress :  but  no  Senator  or  Representative,  or 
Person  holding  an  Office  of  Trust  or  Profit  under  the  United  States, 
shall  be  appointed  an  Elector. 

[*  The  Electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by  Ballot  for  two 
Persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  Inhabitant  of  the  same  Stato  with 
themselves.  And  they  shall  make  a  List  of  all  the  Persons  voted  for,  and  of  the 
Number  of  Votes  for  each;  which  List  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit 
sealed  to  the  Seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President 
of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  Presence  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  Certificates,  and  the  Votes  shall  then  bo 
counted.  The  Person  having  the  greatest  Number  of  Votes  shall  be  the  President, 
if  such  Number  be  a  Majority  of  the  whole  Number  of  Electors  appointed;  and  if 
there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such  Majority,  and  have  an  equal  Number  of 
Votes,  then  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  immediately  chuse  by  Ballot  one  of 
them  for  President;  and  if  no  Person  have  a  Majority,  then  from  the  five  highest 
on  the  List,  the  said  House  shall  in  like  manner  chuse  the  President.  But  in 
chusing  the  President,  the  Votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  tho  Representation 

*  This  clause  within  brackets  has  been- superseded  and  annulled  by  the  12th 
amendment,  on  page  462. 


26  CONSTITUTION. 

from  each  State  having  one  Vote;  A  Quorum  for  this  Purpose  shall  consist  of  a 
Member  or  Members  from  two  thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  Majority  of  all  the  States 
shall  be  necessary  to  a  Choice.  In  every  Case,  after  the  Choice  of  the  President 
the  Person  having  the  greatest  Number  of  Votes  of  the  Electors  shall  be  the  Vice 
President.  But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  Votes  the 
Senate  shall  chuse  from  them  by  Ballot  the  Vice  President.] 

3.  The  Congress  may  determine  the  Time  of  chusing  the  Elec- 
tors, and  the  Day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  Votes ;  which 
Day  shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

4.  No  Person  except  a  natural  born  Citizen,  or  a  Citizen  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  Adoption  of  this  Constitution, 
shall  be  eligible  to  the  Office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  Per- 
son be  eligible  to  that  Office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the 
Age  of  thirty  five  Years,  and  been  fourteen  Years  a  Resident 
within  the  United  States. 

5.  In  Case  of  the  Removal  of  the  President  from  Office,  or  of 
his  Death,  Resignation,  or  Inability  to  discharge  the  Powers  and 
Duties  of  the  said  Office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice  Pre. 
sident,  and  the  Congress  may  by  Law  provide  for  the  Case  of  Re- 
moval, Death,  Resignation,  or  Inability,  both  of  the  President  and 
Vice  President,  declaring  what  Officer  shall  then  act  as  President, 
and  such  Officer  shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  Disability  be  re- 
moved, or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

6.  The  President  shall,  at  stated  Times,  receive  for  his  Services, 
a  Compensation,  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished 
during  the  Period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he 
shall  not  receive  within  that  Period,  any  other  Emolument  from 
the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

1.  Before  he  enter  on  the  Execution  of  his  Office,  he  shall  take 
the  following  Oath  or  Affirmation : — 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute 
"the  Office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will  to  the  best 
"  of  my  Ability,  preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of 
"  the  United  States." 

SECTION  II. 

1.  The  President  shall  be  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Army  and 
Navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  Militia  of  the  several  States, 
when  called  into  the  actual  Service  of  the  United  States ;  he  may 
require  the  Opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  Officer  in  each  of 
the  executive  Departments,  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  Duties 
of  their  respective  Offices,  and  he  shall  have  Power  to  grant  Re- 
prieves and  Pardons  for  Offences  against  the  United  States,  except 
in  Cases  of  Impeachment. 

2.  He  shall  have  Power,  by  and  with  the  Advice  and  Consent 
of  the  Senate,  to  make  Treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  Se- 
nators present  concur ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with 
the  Advice  and  Consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  Ambassadors, 
other  public  Ministers  and  Consuls,  Judges  of  the  supreme  Court, 
and  all  other  Officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  Appointments 
are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  estab- 


CONSTITUTION.  27 

lished  by  Law :  but  the  Congress  may  by  Law  vest  the  Appoint- 
ment of  such  inferior  Officers  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  President 
alone,  in  the  Courts  of  Law,  or  in  the  Heads  of  Departments. 

SECTION  ni. 

He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  Information  of 
the  State  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  Consideration 
such  Measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient ;  he  may, 
on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses,  or  either  of 
them,  and  in  Case  of  Disagreement  between  them,  with  respect  to 
the  Thne  of  Adjournment,  he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  Time  as 
he  shall  think  proper;  he  shall  receive  Ambassadors  and  other 
public  Ministers ;  he  shall  take  Care  that  the  Laws  be  faithfully 
executed,  and  shall  Commission  all  the  officers  of  the  United 
States. 

SECTION"  IV. 

The  President,  Vice  President,  and  all  civil  Officers  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  removed  from  Office  on  Impeachment  for, 
and  Conviction  of,  Treason,  Bribery,  or  other  high  Crimes  and' 
Misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE    III. 

SECTION  I. 

The  judicial  Power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  one 
supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  Courts  as  the  Congress  may 
from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.  The  Judges,  both  of  the 
supreme  and  inferior  Courts,  shall  hold  their  Offices  during  good 
Behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated  Times,  receive  for  their  Services,  a 
Compensation,  which  shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  Contin- 
uance in  Office. 

SECTION  II. 

1.  The  judicial  Power  shall  extend  to  all  Cases,  in  Law  and 
Equity,  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  Laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  Treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their 
Authority ;— to  all  Cases  affecting  Ambassadors,  other  public 
Ministers,  and  Consuls ;— to  all  Cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime 
Jurisdiction ;— to  Controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall 

be  a  Party; — to  Controversies  between  two  or  more  States; 

between  a  State  and  Citizens  of  another  State  ;— between  Citizens 
of  different  States,— between  Citizens  of  the  same  State  claiming 
Lands  under  Grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State,  or 
the  Citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  States,  Citizens  or  Subjects. 

2.  In  all  Cases  affecting  Ambassadors,  other  public  Ministers 
and  Consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  Party,  the  supreme 
Court  shall  have  original  Jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  Cases 
before  mentioned,  the  supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  Jurisdic- 
tion, both  as  to  Law  aud  Fact,  with  such  Exceptions,  and  under 
such  Regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make 


28  CONSTITUTION. 

3.  The  Trial  of  all  Crimes,  except  in  Cases  of  Impeachment, 
shall  be  by  Jury ;  and  such  Trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where 
the  said  Crimes  shall  have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  com- 
mitted within  any  State,  the  Trial  shaU  be  at  such  Place  or  Places 
as  the  Congress  may  by  Law  have  directed. 

SECTION  III. 

1.  Treason  against  the  United  States,  shall  consist  only  in  levy- 
ing War  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  Enemies,  giving 
them  Aid  and  Comfort.  No  Person  shall  be  convicted  of  Treason 
unless  on  the  Testimony  of  two  Witnesses  to  the  same  ovej-t  Act, 
or  on  Confession  in  open  Court. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  Power  to  declare  the  Punishment  of 
Treason,  but  no  Attainder  of  Treason  shall  work  Corruption  of 
Blood,  or  Forfeiture  except  during  the  Life  of  the  Person  at- 
tainted. 

ARTICLE    IV. 

SECTION  I. 

Full  Faith  and  Credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public 
Acts,  Records,  and  judicial  Proceedings  of  every  other  State. 
And  the  Congress  may  by  general  Laws  prescribe  the  Manner  in 
which  such  Acts,  Records  and  Proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and 
the  Effect  thereof. 

SECTION  II. 


1.  The  Citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  Privileges 
and  Immunities  of  Citizens  in  the  several  States. 

2.  A  Person  charged  in  any  State  with  Treason,  Felony,  or 
other  Crime,  who  shall  flee  from  Justice,  and  be  found  in  another 
State,  shall  on  Demand  of  the  executive  Authority  of  the  State 
from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State 
having  Jurisdiction  of  the  Crime. 

3.  No  Person  held  to  Service  or  Labour  in  one  State,  under  the 
Laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  Consequence  of  any 
Law  or  Regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  Service  or 
Labour,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  Claim  of  the  party  to  whom 
such  Service  or  Labour  may  be  due. 

SECTION  HI. 

1.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this 
Union ;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the 
Jurisdiction  of  any  other  State  ;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the 
Junction  of  two  or  more  States,  or  Parts  of  States,  without  the 
Consent  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  concerned  as  well  as  of 
the  Congress. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  Power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all 
needful  Rules  and  Regulations  respecting  the  Territory  or  other 


CONSTITUTION.  29 

Property  belonging  to  the  United  States;  and  nothing  in  this 
Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  Prejudice  any  Claims  of 
the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

SECTION  IV. 

The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union 
a  Republican  Form  of  Government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them 
against  Invasion ;  and  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or  of  the 
Executive  (when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened)  against 
domestic  Violence. 

ARTICLE  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem 
it  necessary,  shall  propose  Amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on 
the  Application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  several 
States,  shall  call  a  Convention  for  proposing  Amendments,  which, 
hi  either  Case,  shall  be  valid  to  all  Intents  and  Purposes,  as  Part 
of  this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three 
fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  Conventions  in  three  fourths 
thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  Mode  of  Ratification  may  be  pro- 
posed by  the  Congress ;  Provided  that  no  Amendment  which  may 
be  made  prior  to  the  Year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight 
shall  in  any  Manner  affect  the  first  and  fourth  Clauses  in  the  Ninth 
Section  of  the  first  Article  ;  and  that  no  State,  without  its  Consent, 
shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  Suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

1.  All  Debts  contracted  and  Engagements  entered  into,  before 
the_  Adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  the 
United  States  under  this  Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2.  This  Constitution,  and  the  Laws  of  the  United  States  which 
shall  be  made  in  Pursuance  thereof;  and  all  Treaties  made,  or 
which  shall  be  made,  imder  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  the  supreme  Law  of  the  Land  ;  and  the  Judges  in  every 
State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any  Thing  in  the  Constitution  or 
Laws  of  any  State  to  the  Contrary  notwithstanding. 

3.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the 
Members  of  the  several  State  Legislatures,  and  all  executive  and 
judicial  Officers,  both  of  the  United  States  and  the  several  States, 
shall  be  bound  by  Oath  or  Affirmation,  to  support  this  Constitu- 
tion ;  but  no  religious  Test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  Qualification 
to  any  Office  or  public  Trust  under  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  VTI. 

_  The  Ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine  States,  shall  be  suffi- 
cient for  the  Establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States 
so  ratifying  the  same. 


30  CONSTITUTION. 

Done  in  Convention  by  the  Unanimous  Consent  of  the  States 
present  the  Seventeenth  Day  of  September  in  the  Year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  Eighty  seven  and  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  Twelfth 
In  Witness  whereof  We  have  hereunto  subscribed  our 
Names, 

GEO  WASHINGTON— 
Presidt  and  deputy  from  Virginia 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 
John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Gilman. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Nathaniel  Gorham,        Rufus  King. 

CONNECTICUT. 
Wm.  Saml.  Johnson,         Roger  Sherman. 

NEW  YORK. 

Alexander  Hamilton. 

NEW  JERSEY. 
Wil:  Livingston,  David  Brearley, 

Wm.  Paterson,  Jona.  Dayton. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

B.  Franklin,  Thomas  Mifflin, 

Robt.  Morris,  Geo  :  Clymer, 

Tho  :  Fitsimons,  Jared  Ingersoll, 

James  Wilson,  Gouv:  Morris. 

DELAWARE. 

Geo  :  Read,  Gunning  Bedford,  Jun'r, 

John  Dickinson,  Richard  Bassett, 

Jaco  :  Broom. 

MARYLAND. 
James  M'Henry,  Dan  :  of  St.  Thos.  Jenifer, 

Danl.  Carroll. 

VIRGINIA. 
John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 

NORTH   CAROLINA. 
Wm.  Blount,  Rich'd  Dobbs  Spaight, 

Hu.  Williamson. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
J.  Rutledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinkney, 

Charles  Pinkney,  Pierce  Butler. 

GEORGIA. 

William  Few,  Abr.  Baldwin. 

Attest :        WILLIAM  JACKSON,  Secretary. 


ARTICLES 

In  Addition  to,  and  Amendment  of, 
THE  CONSTITUTION" 

OF   THE 

UNITED    STATES    OF   AMEBIC  A, 

Proposed  by  Congress,  and  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States,  pursuant 
to  the  fifth  article  of  the  original  Constitution. 

ARTICLE  I. 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or  prohibit- 
ing the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the  press; 
or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  Government 
for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

ARTICLE  II. 

A  well  regulated  Militia,  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free  State,  the  right 
of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  Arms,  shall  not  be  infringed. 

ARTICLE  III. 

No  Soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house,  without  the  consent 
ot  the  Owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers,  and  effects, 
against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  Warrants 
shall  be  issued,  but  upon  probable  cause,  supported  by  Oath  or  affirmation,  and 
particularly  describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be 
seized. 

ARTICLE  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital,  or  otherwise  infamous  crime, 
unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  Grand  Jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in 
tha  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  Militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  "War 
or  public  danger;  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  twice 
put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb ;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  Criminal  Case  to  be 
a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 
process  of  law ;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use,  without  just 
compensation. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and 
public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district,  wherein  the  crime  shall 
have  been  committed,  which  district  shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by 
law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation ;  to  be  con- 
fronted with  the  witnesses  against  him ;  to  have  Compulsory  process  for  obtaining 
Witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  Assistance  of  Counsel  for  his  defence. 


32  CONSTITUTION". 


ARTICLE  YLT. 

In  Suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed  twenty 
dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,  and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jur}r, 
shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any  Court  of  the  United  States,  than  according 
to  the  rules  of  the  common  law. 

ARTICLE  VIII. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and 
unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

ARTICLE  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution,  of  certain  rights,  shall  not  be  construed  to 
deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

ARTICLE  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohib- 
ited by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

ARTICLE  XL 

The  Judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed  to  extend  to  any 
suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United  States 
by  Citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  Citizens  or  Subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

ARTICLE  XIL 

1.  The  Electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  states,  and  vote  by'ballot  for  Pre- 
sident and  Vice  President,  one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the 
game  state  with  themselves ;  they  shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for 
as  President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice  President,  and 
they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all  per- 
sons voted  for  as  Vice  President,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which  lists 
they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate ; — The  President  of  the 
Senate  shall,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the 
certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted ; — The  person  having  the  greatest 
number  of  votes  for  President,  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  of  Electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  such  majority, 
then  from  tbe  persons  having  the  highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three  on  the  list 
of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  imme- 
diately, by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be 
taken  by  states,  the  representation  from  each  state  having  one  vote ;  a  quorum  for 
this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  states, 
and  a  majority  of  all  the  states  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House 
of  Representatives  shall  not  choose  a  President  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall 
devolve  upon  them,  before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice- 
President  shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  death  or  other  constitutional  dis- 
ability of  the  President. 

2.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-President,  shall  be 
the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  Electors 
appointed,  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers 
on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose 
shall  consist  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 

3.  But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  President  shall  be 
eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON'S 


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AND 


Hue  §u\mntxtm  at  § v&tytu&mtt. 


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Three  very  beautiful  engravings  on  steel,  commemorative  of  America's 
independence,  of  the  Union,  and  of  the  retiring  of  General  Washington 
from  the  Presidency,  after  victory  to  our  arms  had  been  secured,  and  peace 
again  invited  to  the  pursuits  of  commerce. 

The  Declaration  is  encircled  by  the  Coat  of  Arms  of  the  original 
thirteen  States,  with  a  fine  illustration  of 

The  National  Washington  Monument, 

AND 

THE      MEMBERS     OF    THE     CONTINENTAL     CONGRESS     SIGNING     THE 
INSTRUMENT  THE   PLATE  COMMEMORATES. 

The  Constitution  by  an  emblematical  border,  representing  Justice,  the 
American  Eagle,  Commerce,  Agriculture,  and  a  view  of  the 


The  Address,  by  representations  of  important  events  in  Washington's 
life — his  Place  of  Birth,  his  Marriage,  as  a  Farmer,  the  Field  of  Mon- 
mouth, Resigning  his  Commission,  his  Tomb,  and  a 


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ryj'SS'SS'S'S 


PRICE  TEN   CENTS  EACH; 


OR,  $8  PER  HUNDRED. 


3sr e -w - -*z- o  irk: 


ORLERS  FROM  CLUBS  SOLTCTTED. 


SENT  FREE,  BY  MAIL,  ON  RECEIPT  OF  THE  PRICE. 


/ 


JUST     ISSUED 


><■♦«.»■ 


A  FULL  LENGTH  PORTRAIT 


OF 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


This  superb  picture  is  engraved  on  steel,  in  the  best  style  of 
mezzotint,  of  a  size  suitable  for  a  parlor  picture.  It  would  also 
add  much  to  the  appearance  of  every  Lincoln  Club  Room,  in  the 
United  States. 

SIZE  OP  ENGRAVED  SURFACE,  19  x  26  INCHES.     PRINTED 
ON  PAPER  26  x  34  INCHES. 

Price  of  Proofs,  plain, $3  00 

India,       .        .        .         .        5  00 
"  "        colored,        .        .         .        .     5  00 

IPiablished  by  J.    O.   BUTTRE, 

48  FRANKLIN  STREET,  NEW- YORK. 


BS§P*  The  engraving  is  sent,  free  of  postage,  by  mail,  on  receipt 
of  the  price. 

A  good  picture  for  agents  to  canvass  with. 

E^3  We  have  made  such  arrangements  that  we  can  furnish  them 
ready  framed — boxed  carefully  and  sent  by  Express. 

The  price  for  the  print  and  frame  is  $6  00.  The  frame  will  be  a 
two-inch  pearl,  gilt;  double  hollow,  gilt;  or,  rosewood  O  G,  gilt 
inside  ;  as  may  be  selected.  Fifty  cents  extra  will  be  charged  for 
boxing  where  only  one  is  sent ;  if  two  or  more  are  sent  in  one  box, 
there  will  be  no  charge  for  boxing. 


X 


A  CONTRAST  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


THE 

EARLY    HOME 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

J±&    IX    3NTO"W    ST^A.KTIDS 

IN      E  L  I  Z  A  B  E  T  H  T  O  W  N  ,      HARDIN      COUNTY,      KY. 


An  exquisite  picture,  engraved  on  steel,  from  an  ambrotypc  taken 
on  the  spot,  of  the  cabin  where  Abraham  Lincoln  once  lived.  His 
father  built  this  cabin,  and  moved  into  it  when  Abraham  was  an 
infant  and  resided  there  until  he  was  seven  years  of  age,  when  he 
removed  to  Indiana. 

Printed  on  proof  paper  11  s  1">  inches,  suitable  for  framing  or 
preserving  in  portfolios. 


PRICE     25     CENTS. 

ENGRAVED  AND    PUBLISHED  BY 

J.    C     BUTTRE,    48    FRANKLIN  STREET,    N.    Y. 

l^gT  Sent  free  by  mail  on  receipt  of  the  price. 
Agents  wanted  to  sell  all  over  the  United  States. 


I 


PORTRAITS  AND  SKETCHES 


OF    THE 


Hon.  J.  C.  BRECKINRIDGE 


AND    THE 


Hon.    JOSEPH    LANE. 

IN  ONE  NEAT  Svo.     PRICE  25  CTS. 

IT  CONTAINS 

TWO   PORTRAITS  BEAUTIFULLY  ILLUSTRATED   ON   STEEL,   FACTS  IN   THE   LIFE 

OF  EACH,  THE  NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM  ,  THE 

CINCINNATI  PLATFORM,  AND 

THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Published  by  J.  O.  BXJTTJRE, 

48  FRANKLIN  STREET,  NEW-YORK. 

Copies  sent  by  mail,  postage  prepaid,  on  receipt  of  the  price. 

AGENTS  WANTED. 


-<r<.»-^- »»-&■— 


THE    IDII^E     PICTURE 


OF 


Hon.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

Beautifully  engraved  on  steel,  and  printed  on  the  finest  enamel 
card,  about  4  x  6  inches  in  size.  It  is  neatly  enclosed  in  an  en- 
velope, ready  for  delivery,  or  to  send  by  mail. 

Kvery  member  of  the  Lincoln  Clubs  throughout  the  United 
States  should  possess  a  copy  of  this  little  gem. 

It  is  sent  free  by  mail  on  receipt  of  the  price, 

ONE     33I1MCE3. 

Engraved  and  Published  by  J.  C.  BUTTRE, 

48  Franklin  Street,  New- York. 

EP  A  GOOD    PICTURE   FOR   AGENTS  TO  SELL. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-URBANA 
973  7L63BP838  C001 

PORTRAITS  AND  SKETCHES  OF  THE  LIVES  OF  A 


30112 


031789909 


